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在愛丁堡的皇家英里（Royal Mile）有个休谟像，脚趾头被前来“朝圣”的人们摸得锃亮，因为有这么个说法，“信休谟，不挂科”，不知是中国留学生传出来的，还是原本就有。不过，求学者笃信休谟，倒真的错不了。此君二十几岁就写出《人性论》一书。德国大哲学家康德称，正是此书把他从“教条主义的沉睡”（dogmatic slumbers）中惊醒；而康德读的，还不过是个改名为《人类理解研究》的缩写本。休谟在历史、经济、宗教等各领域都有见解深刻的著述，可谓睿智、直言、擅写，更是“看透生死”，且看本文如何描画休谟的最后时刻。
As the Scottish philosopher David Hume lay on his deathbed in the summer of 1776， his passing became a highly anticipated event. Few people in 18thcentury Britain were as forthright in their lack of religious faith as Hume was， and his skepticism had earned him a lifetime of abuse and reproach from the pious， including a concerted effort to excommunicate him from the Church of Scotland.2 Now everyone wanted to know how the notorious infidel would face his end. Would he show remorse or perhaps even recant his skepticism？3 Would he die in a state of distress， having none of the usual consolations afforded by belief in an afterlife？ In the event， Hume died as he had lived， with remarkable good humour4 and without religion.
The most famous depiction of Hume’s dying days， at least in our time， comes from James Boswell， who managed to contrive a visit with him on Sunday，5 7 July 1776. As his account of their conversation makes plain， the purpose of Boswell’s visit was less to pay his respects to a dying man， or even to gratify a sense of morbid curiosity， than to try to fortify his own religious convictions by confirming that even Hume could not remain a sincere non-believer to the end.6 In this， he failed utterly.
“Being too late for church，” Boswell made his way to Hume’s house， where he was surprised to find him “placid and even cheerful … talking of different matters with a tranquility of mind and a clearness of head which few men possess at any time.”7 Ever tactful8， Boswell immediately brought up the subject of the afterlife， asking if there might not be a future state. Hume replied that “it was possible that a piece of coal put upon the fire would not burn”； and he added that “it was a most unreasonable fancy that we should exist for ever”. Boswell persisted， asking if he was not made uneasy by the thought of annihilation， to which Hume responded that he was no more perturbed by the idea of ceasing to exist than by the idea that he had not existed before he was born.9
This interview might show Hume at his brashest10， but in the 18th century it remained mostly confined to Boswell’s private notebooks. The most prominent and controversial public account of Hume’s final days came instead from an even more famous pen： that of Adam Smith11， Hume’s closest friend. Smith composed a eulogy12 for Hume soon after the latter’s death in the form of a public letter to their mutual publisher， William Strahan. This letter was effectively the“authorised version” of the story of Hume’s death， as it appeared （with Hume’s advance permission） as a companion piece to his short， posthumously13 published autobiography， My Own Life （1776）. Smith’s letter contains none of the open impiety that pervades Boswell’s interview， but it does chronicle—even flaunt—the equanimity of Hume’s last days， depicting the philosopher telling jokes，14 playing cards， and conversing cheerfully with his friends. It also emphasises the excellence of Hume’s character； indeed， Smith concluded the letter by declaring that his unbelieving friend approached “as nearly to the idea of a perfectly wise and virtuous man， as perhaps the nature of human frailty15 will permit”.
Though relatively little known today， in the 18th century Smith’s letter caused an uproar. He later proclaimed that it“brought upon me 10 times more abuse than the very violent attack I had made upon the whole commercial system of Great Britain”—meaning， of course， The Wealth of Nations （1776）. Throughout his life， Smith had generally gone to great lengths to avoid revealing much about his religious beliefs—or lack thereof—and to steer clear of confrontations with the devout， but his claim that an avowed skeptic such as Hume was a model of wisdom and virtue “gave very great offence” and “shocked every sober Christian” （as a contemporary commented）.16
Boswell himself deemed Smith’s letter a piece of“daring effrontery” and an example of the “poisonous productions with which this age is infested”.17 Accordingly， he beseeched Samuel Johnson to “step forth” to “knock Hume’s and Smith’s heads together， and make vain and ostentatious infidelity exceedingly ridiculous.18 Would it not，” he pleaded， “be worth your while to crush such noxious19 weeds in the moral garden？”
Nor did the controversy subside quickly. Nearly a century later， one prolific author of religious tomes， John Lowrie， was still sufficiently incensed by Smith’s letter to proclaim that he knew “no more lamentable evidence of the weakness and folly of irreligion and infidelity” in “all the range of English literature”.20
In the 18th century， the idea that it was possible for a skeptic to die well， without undue21 hopes or fears， clearly haunted many people， including Boswell， who tried to call on Hume twice more after their 7 July conversation in order to press him further， but was turned away. Today， of course， non-believers are still regarded with suspicion and even hatred in some circles， but many die every day with little notice or comment about their lack of faith. It takes a particularly audacious and outspoken form of non-belief—more akin to the Hume of Boswell’s private interview than to the Hume of Smith’s public letter—to arouse much in the way of shock or resentment， of the kind that attended the death of Christopher Hitchens some years ago.22 （Indeed， there were a number of comparisons drawn between Hitchens and Hume at the time.） The fact that in the 18th century Smith endured vigorous and lasting abuse for merely reporting his friend’s calm and courageous end offers a stark23 reminder of just how far we have come in this regard. 1776年夏，苏格兰哲学家大卫·休谟行将离世，这也成为一件万众瞩目的事。在18世纪，很少有人能像休谟那样，明确表示自己缺少宗教信仰；因为对宗教的怀疑态度，休谟一生遭受虔信者的羞辱和指责，甚至被联名逐出苏格兰教会。如今，人人都想知道这个臭名昭著的不信教者将如何面对生命的最后时刻：他会显出悔意，甚至有可能放弃对宗教的怀疑态度吗？抑或，因为没有常人有关来生信仰的安慰，他会满怀痛苦地死去吗？结果，休谟可谓死如其生——去世时，他心情极为舒畅，仍无宗教信仰。
至少在我们的时代，有关休谟临终日子最著名的描述，是来自詹姆斯·鲍斯威尔；他在1776年7月7日，星期天，曾设法前去探看休谟。从谈话记录中可以清楚看出，鲍斯威尔此行目的，与其说是去探望一个行将去世的人，甚至去满足一下自己病态的好奇心，倒不如说是希望见证即使休谟这样顽固的不信教者在最后关头也会悔悟这件事，来巩固一下自己的宗教信仰。然而在这一点上，他彻底失败了。
“赶不上去教堂了”，鲍斯威尔就辗转赶到休谟家，在那里他惊讶地看到，休谟非常“平和，甚至有几分高兴……他以常人在任何时候都少有的平静心情和清晰头脑，谈论着各种事”。一向老练的鲍斯威尔直接提到了有关来生的话题，问他是否存在一种死后的未来状态。休谟回答说，“一块煤放到火上去可能不会燃烧”；然后他补充说，“但是我们会永生不灭的说法，绝对是无稽之谈。”鲍斯威尔还不死心，问他是否被自身会消亡这个想法搞得很不安；休谟回答说，出生之前，自己并不存在，死后，自己也不存在，这都没有什么好不安的。
这次谈话可能显得休谟相当自以为是；但是在18世纪，这段谈话主要还是仅限于鲍斯威尔的私人记录里。而有关休谟最后日子的最重要也最有争议的公开记录，则出自另一位更为知名的作者笔下：那就是休谟最亲密的好友亚当·斯密。休谟死后不久，斯密写了一份颂词，并以一封致二人共同的出版商威廉·斯特拉罕的公开信的形式出版。（在休谟预先授权之下）作为休谟身后出版的简短自传《我的一生》（1776）的姊妹篇，此信实际上成了描述休谟离世情形的“权威版本”。
斯密的信中，并没有休谟那种充斥在与鲍斯威尔访谈中的公开不敬神态度；但的确记录——甚至炫耀了——休谟最后日子里的那份沉静，描述了这位哲学家如何讲笑话、打牌，以及和朋友们兴高采烈地交谈。信中也强调了休谟的美德；事实上，斯密在信尾赞道，他这位不信神的朋友已經达到“在人类脆弱本质所允许的范围内，最接近完美智者和贤人的高度”。
斯密的信在今天鲜为人知，但在18世纪却掀起了轩然大波。他后来说，这封信“为我带来的谩骂指责，比我对整个大英帝国商业体系的猛烈攻击严重十倍”，后者当然是指他的《国富论》（1776）。终其一生，斯密都在努力避免过分暴露自己的宗教信仰——或缺少宗教信仰——的态度，也尽量避免与虔信者发生冲突，但是把休谟这样一个公开自认的怀疑论者赞为智慧和贤德的典范，却成了“极大的冒犯”，更“震惊了每一个严肃的基督徒”（借用时人评论）。
鲍斯威尔认为斯密的信是“大胆放肆之举”，是典型的“污染这个时代的有毒产品”。于是，他请塞缪尔·约翰逊“出面”去“批评休谟和斯密，让空虚而又卖弄的不信教者露出他们极度愚蠢的本相。您不觉得在我们的道德园地里清除这些毒草是很有意义的事吗？”他恳求道。
这场争论也没有很快平息。将近一个世纪之后，一位著述颇丰的宗教巨著作家，约翰·洛瑞，仍然被斯密的信气得怒发冲冠，他怒道，自己不知道“在整个英国文化圈内，还有什么比这更可悲的、体现出无宗教无信仰的软弱与愚蠢的证据。”
在18世纪，一个怀疑论者若可以不怀奢望或恐惧地安然死去，那将令许多人不安，当然包括鲍斯威尔，他在7月7日与休谟会面后，又曾两度前去拜访，希望进一步压迫休谟就范，但都被拒之门外。如今，当然在某些圈子里，不信神者仍然受到怀疑甚至怨恨，但是每天都有许多人安然离世，并没有因其缺乏信仰而受到太多关注和非议。真需要一种特别大胆和直言的无神论精神——就像鲍斯威尔的私人访谈中记录的那个休谟，而不是斯密的公开信中描述的那样——才能在几年前克里斯托弗·希钦斯离世时，引发那样的震惊和愤恨。（当时的确有些人把希钦斯和休谟相提并论。）在18世纪，斯密仅仅因为描述了他的朋友平静、勇敢的临终时刻，便要承受激烈而持久的攻击，这个事实提醒我们，在这方面我们已经有了多大进步。
1. David Hume： 大卫·休谟（1711—1776），苏格兰哲学家、历史学家，苏格兰启蒙运动代表人物，其著作包括《人性论》、《英国史》、《自然宗教对话录》和《人类理解研究》等；infidel： （古时用语）无宗教信仰者，异教徒，下文出现的infidelity指无信仰、不信神。
2. forthright： 坦率的，直接的；skepticism：怀疑论；reproach： 责备，申斥；pious：虔诚的；concerted： 齐心协力的，一致的；excommunicate： 逐出教会。
3. remorse： 悔恨，自责；recant： 公开表示放弃。
4. good humour： 愉快的心情，好脾气。
5. James Boswell： 詹姆斯·鲍斯韦尔（1740—1795），英国作家，因撰写《约翰逊传》而闻名于世。22岁（1763年）时在伦敦结识约翰逊博士，二人成为亦师徒亦朋友的关系。《约翰逊传》是他在博士逝世后，根据自己多年来的记录撰写而成。如今，Boswell在英语中已成了“好友和事件记录者”的代名词，比如福尔摩斯就称华生为“我的鲍斯韦尔”；contrive： 设法做到（尤指困难的事）。
6. morbid： 病态的；fortify： 加强。
7. placid： 温和的，平和的；tranquility：平静。
8. tactful： 圆滑的，老练的。 9. annihilation： 湮灭，毁灭；perturbed： 忧虑的，不安的。
10. brash： 傲慢的，轻率的。
11. Adam Smith： 亚当·斯密（1723—1790），苏格兰经济学家、政治经济学先驱，与休谟同为苏格兰启蒙运动代表人物。其《国富论》被认为是第一部现代经济学著作。
12. eulogy： （尤指葬礼上的）颂词。
13. posthumously： 死后发生地，死后出版地。
14. impiety： 不敬，不恭；pervade： 弥漫，充满；chronicle： v. 记述，记载；flaunt： 炫耀，夸耀；equanimity：平和，镇静；depict： 描绘。
15. frailty： 脆弱，缺点。
16. steer clear of： 避开，绕开；confrontation：对抗，冲突；devout： 虔诚的；avowed：公开宣布的，公开承诺的。
17. effrontery： 厚颜无耻的行为；infest： 侵扰，大量充斥。
18. beseech： 乞求，恳求；Samuel Johnson：塞缪尔·约翰逊（1709—1784），常被尊称为约翰逊博士，英国作家、诗人、词典编纂者，他花费九年时间编纂的《英语词典》（A Dictionary of the English Language）对现代英语有着深远的影响，被誉为“最伟大的独立学术成就之一”；knock sb.’s heads together： 責骂，批评；ostentatious： 自负的，炫耀的。
19. noxious： 有害的，有毒的。
20. prolific： 多产的；tome： 大部头（书），大本书；incense： 激怒，使大怒；lamentable：可悲的。
21. undue： 过度的。
22. audacious： 大胆的，鲁莽的；akin to： 类似于；resentment： 愤恨，不满；Christopher Hitchens： 克里斯托弗·希钦斯（1949— 2011），生于英国，犹太裔美国人，毕业于牛津大学。美国著名的专栏作家、记者、评论人，以苛评闻名，其在公开辩论中毫不留情但滴水不漏的说辞常被称为“希氏打脸”（Hitchslapping），抨击对象包括所有共和党人士，宗教人士，民主党温和派，被称作新无神论四骑士之一。作品有：《上帝不伟大》（God Is Not Great）、《人之将死》（Mortality）。
23. stark： 完全的，赤裸裸的。
As the Scottish philosopher David Hume lay on his deathbed in the summer of 1776， his passing became a highly anticipated event. Few people in 18thcentury Britain were as forthright in their lack of religious faith as Hume was， and his skepticism had earned him a lifetime of abuse and reproach from the pious， including a concerted effort to excommunicate him from the Church of Scotland.2 Now everyone wanted to know how the notorious infidel would face his end. Would he show remorse or perhaps even recant his skepticism？3 Would he die in a state of distress， having none of the usual consolations afforded by belief in an afterlife？ In the event， Hume died as he had lived， with remarkable good humour4 and without religion.
The most famous depiction of Hume’s dying days， at least in our time， comes from James Boswell， who managed to contrive a visit with him on Sunday，5 7 July 1776. As his account of their conversation makes plain， the purpose of Boswell’s visit was less to pay his respects to a dying man， or even to gratify a sense of morbid curiosity， than to try to fortify his own religious convictions by confirming that even Hume could not remain a sincere non-believer to the end.6 In this， he failed utterly.
“Being too late for church，” Boswell made his way to Hume’s house， where he was surprised to find him “placid and even cheerful … talking of different matters with a tranquility of mind and a clearness of head which few men possess at any time.”7 Ever tactful8， Boswell immediately brought up the subject of the afterlife， asking if there might not be a future state. Hume replied that “it was possible that a piece of coal put upon the fire would not burn”； and he added that “it was a most unreasonable fancy that we should exist for ever”. Boswell persisted， asking if he was not made uneasy by the thought of annihilation， to which Hume responded that he was no more perturbed by the idea of ceasing to exist than by the idea that he had not existed before he was born.9
This interview might show Hume at his brashest10， but in the 18th century it remained mostly confined to Boswell’s private notebooks. The most prominent and controversial public account of Hume’s final days came instead from an even more famous pen： that of Adam Smith11， Hume’s closest friend. Smith composed a eulogy12 for Hume soon after the latter’s death in the form of a public letter to their mutual publisher， William Strahan. This letter was effectively the“authorised version” of the story of Hume’s death， as it appeared （with Hume’s advance permission） as a companion piece to his short， posthumously13 published autobiography， My Own Life （1776）. Smith’s letter contains none of the open impiety that pervades Boswell’s interview， but it does chronicle—even flaunt—the equanimity of Hume’s last days， depicting the philosopher telling jokes，14 playing cards， and conversing cheerfully with his friends. It also emphasises the excellence of Hume’s character； indeed， Smith concluded the letter by declaring that his unbelieving friend approached “as nearly to the idea of a perfectly wise and virtuous man， as perhaps the nature of human frailty15 will permit”.
Though relatively little known today， in the 18th century Smith’s letter caused an uproar. He later proclaimed that it“brought upon me 10 times more abuse than the very violent attack I had made upon the whole commercial system of Great Britain”—meaning， of course， The Wealth of Nations （1776）. Throughout his life， Smith had generally gone to great lengths to avoid revealing much about his religious beliefs—or lack thereof—and to steer clear of confrontations with the devout， but his claim that an avowed skeptic such as Hume was a model of wisdom and virtue “gave very great offence” and “shocked every sober Christian” （as a contemporary commented）.16
Boswell himself deemed Smith’s letter a piece of“daring effrontery” and an example of the “poisonous productions with which this age is infested”.17 Accordingly， he beseeched Samuel Johnson to “step forth” to “knock Hume’s and Smith’s heads together， and make vain and ostentatious infidelity exceedingly ridiculous.18 Would it not，” he pleaded， “be worth your while to crush such noxious19 weeds in the moral garden？”
Nor did the controversy subside quickly. Nearly a century later， one prolific author of religious tomes， John Lowrie， was still sufficiently incensed by Smith’s letter to proclaim that he knew “no more lamentable evidence of the weakness and folly of irreligion and infidelity” in “all the range of English literature”.20
In the 18th century， the idea that it was possible for a skeptic to die well， without undue21 hopes or fears， clearly haunted many people， including Boswell， who tried to call on Hume twice more after their 7 July conversation in order to press him further， but was turned away. Today， of course， non-believers are still regarded with suspicion and even hatred in some circles， but many die every day with little notice or comment about their lack of faith. It takes a particularly audacious and outspoken form of non-belief—more akin to the Hume of Boswell’s private interview than to the Hume of Smith’s public letter—to arouse much in the way of shock or resentment， of the kind that attended the death of Christopher Hitchens some years ago.22 （Indeed， there were a number of comparisons drawn between Hitchens and Hume at the time.） The fact that in the 18th century Smith endured vigorous and lasting abuse for merely reporting his friend’s calm and courageous end offers a stark23 reminder of just how far we have come in this regard. 1776年夏，苏格兰哲学家大卫·休谟行将离世，这也成为一件万众瞩目的事。在18世纪，很少有人能像休谟那样，明确表示自己缺少宗教信仰；因为对宗教的怀疑态度，休谟一生遭受虔信者的羞辱和指责，甚至被联名逐出苏格兰教会。如今，人人都想知道这个臭名昭著的不信教者将如何面对生命的最后时刻：他会显出悔意，甚至有可能放弃对宗教的怀疑态度吗？抑或，因为没有常人有关来生信仰的安慰，他会满怀痛苦地死去吗？结果，休谟可谓死如其生——去世时，他心情极为舒畅，仍无宗教信仰。
至少在我们的时代，有关休谟临终日子最著名的描述，是来自詹姆斯·鲍斯威尔；他在1776年7月7日，星期天，曾设法前去探看休谟。从谈话记录中可以清楚看出，鲍斯威尔此行目的，与其说是去探望一个行将去世的人，甚至去满足一下自己病态的好奇心，倒不如说是希望见证即使休谟这样顽固的不信教者在最后关头也会悔悟这件事，来巩固一下自己的宗教信仰。然而在这一点上，他彻底失败了。
“赶不上去教堂了”，鲍斯威尔就辗转赶到休谟家，在那里他惊讶地看到，休谟非常“平和，甚至有几分高兴……他以常人在任何时候都少有的平静心情和清晰头脑，谈论着各种事”。一向老练的鲍斯威尔直接提到了有关来生的话题，问他是否存在一种死后的未来状态。休谟回答说，“一块煤放到火上去可能不会燃烧”；然后他补充说，“但是我们会永生不灭的说法，绝对是无稽之谈。”鲍斯威尔还不死心，问他是否被自身会消亡这个想法搞得很不安；休谟回答说，出生之前，自己并不存在，死后，自己也不存在，这都没有什么好不安的。
这次谈话可能显得休谟相当自以为是；但是在18世纪，这段谈话主要还是仅限于鲍斯威尔的私人记录里。而有关休谟最后日子的最重要也最有争议的公开记录，则出自另一位更为知名的作者笔下：那就是休谟最亲密的好友亚当·斯密。休谟死后不久，斯密写了一份颂词，并以一封致二人共同的出版商威廉·斯特拉罕的公开信的形式出版。（在休谟预先授权之下）作为休谟身后出版的简短自传《我的一生》（1776）的姊妹篇，此信实际上成了描述休谟离世情形的“权威版本”。
斯密的信中，并没有休谟那种充斥在与鲍斯威尔访谈中的公开不敬神态度；但的确记录——甚至炫耀了——休谟最后日子里的那份沉静，描述了这位哲学家如何讲笑话、打牌，以及和朋友们兴高采烈地交谈。信中也强调了休谟的美德；事实上，斯密在信尾赞道，他这位不信神的朋友已經达到“在人类脆弱本质所允许的范围内，最接近完美智者和贤人的高度”。
斯密的信在今天鲜为人知，但在18世纪却掀起了轩然大波。他后来说，这封信“为我带来的谩骂指责，比我对整个大英帝国商业体系的猛烈攻击严重十倍”，后者当然是指他的《国富论》（1776）。终其一生，斯密都在努力避免过分暴露自己的宗教信仰——或缺少宗教信仰——的态度，也尽量避免与虔信者发生冲突，但是把休谟这样一个公开自认的怀疑论者赞为智慧和贤德的典范，却成了“极大的冒犯”，更“震惊了每一个严肃的基督徒”（借用时人评论）。
鲍斯威尔认为斯密的信是“大胆放肆之举”，是典型的“污染这个时代的有毒产品”。于是，他请塞缪尔·约翰逊“出面”去“批评休谟和斯密，让空虚而又卖弄的不信教者露出他们极度愚蠢的本相。您不觉得在我们的道德园地里清除这些毒草是很有意义的事吗？”他恳求道。
这场争论也没有很快平息。将近一个世纪之后，一位著述颇丰的宗教巨著作家，约翰·洛瑞，仍然被斯密的信气得怒发冲冠，他怒道，自己不知道“在整个英国文化圈内，还有什么比这更可悲的、体现出无宗教无信仰的软弱与愚蠢的证据。”
在18世纪，一个怀疑论者若可以不怀奢望或恐惧地安然死去，那将令许多人不安，当然包括鲍斯威尔，他在7月7日与休谟会面后，又曾两度前去拜访，希望进一步压迫休谟就范，但都被拒之门外。如今，当然在某些圈子里，不信神者仍然受到怀疑甚至怨恨，但是每天都有许多人安然离世，并没有因其缺乏信仰而受到太多关注和非议。真需要一种特别大胆和直言的无神论精神——就像鲍斯威尔的私人访谈中记录的那个休谟，而不是斯密的公开信中描述的那样——才能在几年前克里斯托弗·希钦斯离世时，引发那样的震惊和愤恨。（当时的确有些人把希钦斯和休谟相提并论。）在18世纪，斯密仅仅因为描述了他的朋友平静、勇敢的临终时刻，便要承受激烈而持久的攻击，这个事实提醒我们，在这方面我们已经有了多大进步。
1. David Hume： 大卫·休谟（1711—1776），苏格兰哲学家、历史学家，苏格兰启蒙运动代表人物，其著作包括《人性论》、《英国史》、《自然宗教对话录》和《人类理解研究》等；infidel： （古时用语）无宗教信仰者，异教徒，下文出现的infidelity指无信仰、不信神。
2. forthright： 坦率的，直接的；skepticism：怀疑论；reproach： 责备，申斥；pious：虔诚的；concerted： 齐心协力的，一致的；excommunicate： 逐出教会。
3. remorse： 悔恨，自责；recant： 公开表示放弃。
4. good humour： 愉快的心情，好脾气。
5. James Boswell： 詹姆斯·鲍斯韦尔（1740—1795），英国作家，因撰写《约翰逊传》而闻名于世。22岁（1763年）时在伦敦结识约翰逊博士，二人成为亦师徒亦朋友的关系。《约翰逊传》是他在博士逝世后，根据自己多年来的记录撰写而成。如今，Boswell在英语中已成了“好友和事件记录者”的代名词，比如福尔摩斯就称华生为“我的鲍斯韦尔”；contrive： 设法做到（尤指困难的事）。
6. morbid： 病态的；fortify： 加强。
7. placid： 温和的，平和的；tranquility：平静。
8. tactful： 圆滑的，老练的。 9. annihilation： 湮灭，毁灭；perturbed： 忧虑的，不安的。
10. brash： 傲慢的，轻率的。
11. Adam Smith： 亚当·斯密（1723—1790），苏格兰经济学家、政治经济学先驱，与休谟同为苏格兰启蒙运动代表人物。其《国富论》被认为是第一部现代经济学著作。
12. eulogy： （尤指葬礼上的）颂词。
13. posthumously： 死后发生地，死后出版地。
14. impiety： 不敬，不恭；pervade： 弥漫，充满；chronicle： v. 记述，记载；flaunt： 炫耀，夸耀；equanimity：平和，镇静；depict： 描绘。
15. frailty： 脆弱，缺点。
16. steer clear of： 避开，绕开；confrontation：对抗，冲突；devout： 虔诚的；avowed：公开宣布的，公开承诺的。
17. effrontery： 厚颜无耻的行为；infest： 侵扰，大量充斥。
18. beseech： 乞求，恳求；Samuel Johnson：塞缪尔·约翰逊（1709—1784），常被尊称为约翰逊博士，英国作家、诗人、词典编纂者，他花费九年时间编纂的《英语词典》（A Dictionary of the English Language）对现代英语有着深远的影响，被誉为“最伟大的独立学术成就之一”；knock sb.’s heads together： 責骂，批评；ostentatious： 自负的，炫耀的。
19. noxious： 有害的，有毒的。
20. prolific： 多产的；tome： 大部头（书），大本书；incense： 激怒，使大怒；lamentable：可悲的。
21. undue： 过度的。
22. audacious： 大胆的，鲁莽的；akin to： 类似于；resentment： 愤恨，不满；Christopher Hitchens： 克里斯托弗·希钦斯（1949— 2011），生于英国，犹太裔美国人，毕业于牛津大学。美国著名的专栏作家、记者、评论人，以苛评闻名，其在公开辩论中毫不留情但滴水不漏的说辞常被称为“希氏打脸”（Hitchslapping），抨击对象包括所有共和党人士，宗教人士，民主党温和派，被称作新无神论四骑士之一。作品有：《上帝不伟大》（God Is Not Great）、《人之将死》（Mortality）。
23. stark： 完全的，赤裸裸的。